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"Account for the causes of the Russian Revolution of 105"
From the year 161 the Romanov family had led Russia through its ups and downs by the power of the Tsar. The family had shown Russia the way to becoming one of the world's largest and most powerful empires, but their reign was brought to an end with the murder of the last of the Romanov's, Tsar Nicholas II, his wife and five children in 117. This event was preceded by a combination of things which led to the initial revolution of 105 and the Tsar's consequential struggle for power. There was a great support and loyalty among the masses for the Tsar and his family, but this support was beginning to decline for a number of reasons. All of which led to the first Russian Revolution in 105, which laid the foundation for the final Bolshevik Revolution in 117.
Upon the death of Alexander III in 184 his son Nicholas II, the last Tsar of Russia, reluctantly took the throne. After the death of his Father, Nicholas confided in his brother-in-law "What am I going to do? What is going to happen to me… to all of Russia? I am not prepared to become Tsar. I never wanted to become one." 1 This statement demonstrates his lack of confidence in his leading ability despite him being hailed as one of Europe's most intelligent monarchs of the time. Nicholas II led in a very traditional manner. He modelled his autocracy on that of a 17th Century Tsar by the name of Alexei Mikailovich, whom he named his son after. He held 17th century style balls and brought back official language that had been phased during the reign of Peter the Great. This showed that while the rest of the world was modernising, Russia remained traditional and as a result was not prepared to enter the 0th Century.
Nicholas was a very intelligent man, although this by no means meant that he was fit to lead a nation that covered around one-sixth of the world's surface. Nicholas had two main shortcomings; firstly he had a habit of not trusting those who were most capable and fit to serve him and his country, such as those who had served his father. Secondly, his ready confidence and willingness to believe in those who were not fit to advise him. A prime example of this was his overwhelming trust in a peasant by the name of Rasputin who was supposedly easing the severity of his son's haemophilia. Nicholas also placed a great deal of trust in his wife, who was thought by his father to be unfit for the role of empress. Nonetheless the marriage went ahead and the two would constantly refer to Rasputin as "our friend" who they believed was a "Man of God" because he could somehow control their son's pain.
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It was not merely the insufficiencies of Nicholas II that lead to the Revolution of 105, although this was a major part, there were other significant events combined with the manner in which the government was run that led to it's demise. Within Russia an extreme Right-wing movement and an extreme Left-wing movement had emerged. The right or 'Black Hundred' group formed at the turn of the century and was in favour of the Tsar and autocracy rather than a parliamentary government. They were devoutly anti-Semitic and it was for these reasons that Tsar Nicholas II openly supported their cause and publicly denounced Jews. The Left-wing movement had several groups; the most prominent of these in the eventual revolution of 117 was the Bolsheviks, later to be referred to as the Communist Party, which was formed by Lenin in 10. There were other groups that had the same basic ideals as the Bolsheviks but they differed on the minor details. Another such group was called the Mensheviks; they were not quite as extreme as the Bolsheviks, although both opposed the Tsar and his unlimited power over Russia. They played a vital role in bringing down the Tsar's popularity through the media and other forms of propaganda. Although they did not play an overly significant role until the revolution of 117, their mere existence showed the support for the revolution in 105.
The inability for these two parties to work in unity was one of the reasons why the Tsar was able to suppress the revolution of 105. They were attacking different areas of the government in small numbers which made it easier for the Tsar to quell any revolutionary feeling amongst the population as he had proved that it would not be successful.
The Tsarist regime was suitable in earlier years when communication was less sophisticated and the world was not going through a period of rapid modernisation with the industrial revolution. Having one supreme leader made it difficult to have an efficient system of government. There were several ministers who reported directly to the Tsar since there was no overall co-ordination of policy. The tsar often gave contradictory or incompatible orders, so each minister followed his own orders in isolation without consulting one another. These ministers did not necessarily have to be well educated; the only condition for appointment was to pledge allegiance to the Tsar. The Tsar and his ministers were becoming increasingly out of touch with the mood of the people, this showed that reform was necessary in order to address the corruption within the government.
By 104 with the emergence of radical revolutionary groups the Tsar felt the need to regain his popularity. At this time Russia and Japan both had interests in Manchuria. They were in the midst of negotiation of the Russian withdrawal from China but the Russian government would not back down on its stance and was prepared to engage in armed conflict as it believed that a Japanese force would be easily crushed. The Tsar also believed that a victory over Japan would increase his support. Despite his optimism, the Russo-Japanese War was a disaster to the Tsar. The Russian armies suffered a series of defeats in the battlefields because they did not have the correct equipment or weaponry and were poorly trained. The corruption and the inefficiency that was rife within the government were exposed in the duration of the war. The war caused transportation to break down and bread prices to soar up resulting in widespread famine and a decline in popularity for the Tsar. The Tsarist government was totally discredited in the eyes of the Russian people.
Although at this time Russia ranked fifth among the industrial nations of the world in terms of industrial production, the conditions of the workers were bad. Their wages were low reaching only about 5 to 0 per cent of that of British workers. Their working hours were long, usually consisting of a 15-hour day, 6-day week. Their living conditions were intolerable as they were crowded together in barracks where there were no healthy and sanitary facilities. Conditions in the factories were also unsatisfactory as there were no safety devices to protect the workers. The peasant class in Russia made up a significant portion of the population and it was this oppression that led to the declining support of the Tsar. There was a widespread belief that he would be their saviour and change the conditions for the better as Alexander II had when he abolished Serfdom in 1861, but when it was obvious that this would not occur the peasant support for the Tsar began to dwindle.
The peasants of Russia had been brought up to show loyalty, deference and obedience to the Tsar and his officials. They were taught in schools to show respect for the Tsar and how to remain loyal. This is part of the reason for the peasantry believing that the Tsar would one day be their saviour from harsh working conditions and long hours. Below is an extract of the basic school teachings
"Q.How should we show respect for the Tsar?
A.1. We should feel complete loyalty to the Tsar and be prepared to lay down our lives for him. . We should without objection fulfil his commands and be obedient to the authorities appointed by him. . We should pray for his health and salvation, and also for that of all the Ruling House.
Q.What should we think of those who violate their duty toward their Sovereign?
A. They are guilty not only before the Sovereign, but also before God. The Word of God says, 'Whosoever therefore resisteth the power resisteth the ordinance of God' (Rom. 1)"
The creation of Trade Unions for better conditions for the workers of Russia was illegal so the peasant class was subject to this harsh treatment without any say at all in how much they were paid or how long they worked. This was a major incentive for the working class to hold strikes in demand for better conditions. On January , 105, a priest by the name of Father Gapon, decided to lead a group of striking workers to present a petition to the Tsar at the Winter Palace. The petition included political and economic demands. Political demands were the calling of an elected duma, freedom of speech and assembly, guarantee of fair trials and an official pardon for political prisoners. "DUMA (State Assembly) Elected legislative body that, along with the State Council, constituted the imperial Russian legislature"The economic demands included more labour legislation, a reduction in working hours to an eight-hour day, a reduction in indirect taxes and the introduction of a graduated income tax. The petition also demanded to end the war with Japan immediately. The petition gained a great deal of support and was signed by around 15,000 people.
Gapon hoped that the Tsar would grant reforms to lessen the discontent of the workers. Gapons group was followed by a vast but unquestionably peaceful and orderly crowd of around 150,000. The crowd carrying the portraits of the Tsar and of the Orthodox saints assembled on the square in front of the Palace. At this moment, the crowd still thought that they were the children of the Tsar who would redress their grievances. Suddenly the guards of the Winter Palace fired on the crowd, more than a hundred demonstrators were killed, and several hundred more wounded. After this bloody slaughter, the Russians lost their age-old faith in the Tsar as the great guardian of his people. This event is known as Bloody Sunday and can be seen as the immediate catalyst for the 105 Russian Revolution.
The Revolution itself consisted of a series of general strikes throughout Russia, the magnitude and widespread nature of these strikes convinced Tsar Nicholas II that action needed to be taken. He issued the October Manifesto which outlined amendments to the way the government was run in order to appease the striking workers.
1."Fundamental civil freedoms will be granted to the population, including real personal inviolability, freedom of conscience, speech, assembly and association.
.Participation in the Duma will be granted to those classes of the population which are at present deprived of voting powers, insofar as is possible in the short period before the convocation of the Duma, and this will lead to the development of a universal franchise. There will be no delay to the Duma elect already been organized.
.It is established as an unshakeable rule that no law can come into force without its approval by the State Duma and representatives of the people will be given the opportunity to take real part in the supervision of the legality of government bodies." 4
The terms of the October Manifesto did not meet the precise demands of the radical revolutionaries. It did however satisfy a good deal of the striking workers, who interpreted it as a victory and consequently returned to their jobs. This in turn weakened the revolutionary movement enough for the key leaders to be arrested.
After the 105 Russian Revolution Tsar Nicholas II managed to hang on to his leadership. Although his reputation was severely damaged and he no longer had absolute power, he did not have to succumb to the revolutionary movement by abdicating. This first Revolution was a learning experience for those who opposed the Tsar; they now had time to plan for the Bolshevik Revolution of 117. Even though the Tsar was still in control the Revolution showed that his power and that of the government was not secure.
1 Pp.15 Before the revolutionA view of Russia under the last Tsar, Quote by Nicholas II to his brother-in-law upon hearing of the death of his father
Pp. 6 A People's TragedyThe Russian Revolution 181-14, Extract from the school catechism prepared by the Holy Synod
Encyclopaedia Britannica 18, Definition of Russian Duma
4 http//www.dur.ac.uk/~dml0www/octmanif.html, Extract from the October Manifesto written by Nicholas to put a stop to the Revolution
Bibliography
Adams, Arthur (17) Russian Revolution and Bolshevik Victory Causes & Processes, D.C Heath & Company, Canada
Thaden, Edward (171) Russia Since 1801The making of a new society, John Wiley & Sons, USA
Keep, J (16) The Rise of Social democracy in Russia, Oxford University Press, London, UK
Fitzlyon, Kyril & Browning, Tatiana (178) Before the revolutionA view of Russia under the last Tsar, Penguin Books, London, UK
Encyclopaedia Britannica 18
Figes, Orlando (16) A People's TragedyThe Russian Revolution 181-14, Random House UK
Dukes, Paul (10) A History of Russia Medieval, Modern and Contemporary, Macmillan
Wood, Alan (187) The Origins of the Russian Revolution 1861-117, Methuen
Powell, Bill (18) Family ties From Autocracy to Democracy, Newsweek
http//www.dur.ac.uk/~dml0www/octmanif.html Polnoe sobranie zakonov Rossiiskoi Imperii, rd series, vol. XXV/I, no. 680
http//thecorner.org/hists/russia/revo105.htm#THE%0REIGN%0OF%0NICHOLAS%0II
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